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THIS study presents a reconstruction of the origins and major movements of the Galla and Somali of Northeast Africa which departs from most of the previous literature on the subject. The traditional view has been that the Galla occupied most of the Horn of Africa until the Somali, beginning about the tenth century, swept south and south-west from the shores of the Gulf of Aden driving the Galla before them.1 The pressure of the Somali has also been considered the major impetus to the Galla invasions of Ethiopia in the sixteenth century. It is the thesis of this paper that both the Galla and the Somali originated in southern Ethiopia, that the Somali expanded to the east and north much earlier than the Galla, and that the Galla lived only in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya until their migrations began about I530. These hypotheses were presented in brief form in 1962 and have since been strengthened by Fleming's work on the comparative linguistics of the Somali and by Haberland's rather similar conclusions about Galla history.2 The traditional reconstruction has a considerable corpus of supporting literature, however, and therefore I shall critically examine this literature as well as present further evidence in support of the new reconstruction. At the same time, I hope this will serve to emphasize the value of historical linguistic data and methods for the reconstruction of population movements.

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Journal of African History, VII, I (1966), pp. 27-46 27

Printed in Great Britain

THE ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

BY HERBERT S. LEWIS

THIS study

presents

a reconstruction of the origins

and

major

movements

of the Galla and Somali of Northeast Africa which departs

from most of

the previous

literature

on the subject.

The traditional

view has been that

the Galla

occupied

most

of the Horn of Africa

until

the Somali,

beginning

about the tenth century,

swept south and south-west from the shores

of

the Gulf of Aden driving

the Galla before them.1 The pressure

of the

Somali has also been considered

the major

impetus

to the Galla invasions

of Ethiopia

in the sixteenth

century. It is the thesis

of this paper

that

both

the Galla

and

the Somali

originated

in southern

Ethiopia,

that

the Somali

expanded

to the east and north

much earlier than

the Galla,

and that the

Galla lived only in southern Ethiopia and northern

Kenya until their

migrations began

about I530.

These hypotheses

were presented

in brief form in 1962 and have since

been

strengthened by Fleming's

work on the comparative

linguistics

of the

Somali and

by Haberland's rather similar

conclusions

about Galla

history.2

The traditional reconstruction has a considerable

corpus of supporting

literature,

however,

and therefore

I shall critically

examine this literature

as well as present

further evidence

in support

of the new reconstruction.

At the same

time, I hope

this will serve

to emphasize

the value of historical

linguistic

data

and methods for the

reconstruction

of

population

movements.

HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE SOMALI

The first

clear

written

reference

to any Galla

or Somali

group

is found in

the writings

of the thirteenth-century

Arab geographer,

Ibn Sa'id. Ibn

Sa'id

says

that

Merca,

a

town on

the southern

Somali

coast

near the Shebeli

River,

was the 'capital

of the Hawiye

country',

which consisted

of more

than

fifty villages

(or

districts or

tribes).3

This area

is today

the home

of the

Hawiye

Somali

clan-family,

so

there is

good

reason to

assume

that the

Merca

region

has been occupied

continuously

by the same Somali

group

for the

past 700 years. In fact, we can

probably

extend this to 800 years,

for the

geographer

al-Idrisi

remarks

that Merca was the region

of the 'Hadiye'

in the twelfth century. It is quite likely that the extant

texts contain

an

error,

and

that it should be 'Hawiye', as Guillain,

Schleicher,

and Cerulli

1 This view is presented most fully by Cerulli (I957), I, and I. M. Lewis (I959a, 1960).

2 H. S. Lewis (I962); Fleming (1964); Haberland (1963), 3-6. Murdock (I959),

319-20, 323-4, suggested that the Galla and Somali originated in the highlands of

south-eastern Ethiopia but in most other respects followed the traditional reconstruction.

3 Guillain (1856), I, 238-9; Abu al-Fida (I848), II, 232; Cerulli (1957), I, 94; Schleicher

(1892), ix.

28 HERBERT S. LEWIS

KENYA

Fig. i. Ethiopia and Somalia.

.

Tana' v

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

MiOGOGOD0

./

BARARE

Fig. 2. Distribution of the Galla and Somali.

29

",- Q

s :::

4iiiiiii

suggest.4

The earliest written evidence, therefore, indicates that some Somali

were quite far south at least as early as the twelfth or thirteenth century.

The next reference to the peoples we are concerned with is contained

in the victory song of King Yeshaq of Ethiopia, who reigned from I4I4 to

I429.5 In this song the name 'Somali' is first recorded. They are merely

listed as one of the many peoples the king had fought, however; thus the

reference tells us only that the Somali were within striking distance of the

Ethiopians at this time, but does not locate them more definitely.

A third relatively early document containing recognizable references to

Somali groups is an Arabic chronicle detailing the wars between the

Muslims of Adal and the Christians of Ethiopia.6 The Somali groups

mentioned in the Futuh al-Habasha are generally ones which are still found

in north-west Somaliland-the area which was once Adal or adjacent to it.

These include the Yabarre, Bartirre,

Marrehan, Geri, Habr Magadle, and

various Dir groups. The evidence of this work, written between I540 and

1550, is, therefore, that the composition of the Somali population of north-

west Somaliland has not changed substantially since then.7

In addition to these accounts which give the names of Somali groups

there are

several references to the attributes of the people living in the Horn.

Yakut, a twelfth-century Arab geographer, says that the inhabitants of

Mogadishu were 'Berbers, of a colour between that of the Abyssinians

and the Negroes'.8 Ibn Battuta, who travelled along the coast in I33I,

reports that the desert country between Zeila and Mogadishu was inhabited

by dark-skinned people, many of them 'heretics', who possessed camels

and sheep.9 Much earlier, a ninth-century Chinese text states that the

people of Po-pa-li (presumably Berbera) 'do not eat any cereals but they

eat meat; more frequently they prick a vein of one of their oxen, mix the

blood with milk, and eat it raw. They have no clothes, but they wrap

around

their waists a sheep's skin which hangs down and covers them.'10

These tantalizing, fragmentary glimpses of the people of the Horn

suggest a picture not markedly different from that of today. They are too

general and partial to allow positive identification of any people, but there

is certainly no indication of any major change during this period, nor any

indication that these were not Somali.11

4 Guillain (1856), I, 193, 203; Schleicher (1892), ix; Cerulli (I957), I, 92.

5 Cerulli (I957), I, iii. 6 Shihab ad-Din (I897).

7 I have not been able to examine this work directly. This was the conclusion of

Schleicher) 1892), xi, and it follows from the remarks of I. M.Lewis (1959a), 34;

(1 960), 223. 8 Guillain (1856), I, 234.

9 Freeman-Grenville (I962), 27. Cerulli (I957), I, I63, claims that Ibn Battuta found

Mogadishu to be the capital of a small Arab-Somali state.

10 Freeman-Grenville (I962), 8.

11 Wheatley (I964), I43-4, I70-I, believes that this may refer to the Galla, because

the northern Somali today do not drink blood while many Galla do. This trait is so wide-

spread in Northeast Africa, however, that it cannot be used to positively identify any one

group. Today the southern Somali drink blood, while not all Galla do. And the Qu'ran

(v, 3) forbids the drinking of blood. It is more economical to assume that the northern

Somali gave up this trait within the last eleven centuries than to postulate the presence of

Galla near Berbera in the ninth century on this evidence.

30 HERBERT S. LEWIS

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

ANGOT1

SHOA ADAL

Harar?

-ATAJAR.

Fig. 3. Ethiopian provinces and kingdoms in the sixteenth century.

DANMOT

31

HERBERT S. LEWIS

These exhaust the contemporary documents relevant to the origins of

the Somali. None of them permits us to hypothesize major movements or

a place of origin. They do, however, present a picture of stability in the

Horn of Africa in both the way of life and the occupation of specific areas

by particular Somali groups.

HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE GALLA

There is no known recognizable reference to the Galla before the middle

of the sixteenth century, but their record is relatively full from then on.

The first written references to the Galla are contained in several contem-

porary Ethiopian and Portuguese accounts of the wars between the Galla

and the peoples of southern, eastern, and central Ethiopia. The Portuguese

Jesuit, F. Alvares, who was in Ethiopia about 1526, fails to mention the

Galla in his book, but the chronicle of the Ethiopian king Galawdewos tells

of a series of campaigns against the Galla beginning about 1545.12 A text

written in the 1580's or I 59o's by an Ethiopian priest named Bahrey claims

that the Galla actually began their invasions in the reign of Galawdewos's

father, Lebna Dengal (I508-40).13 Manoel d'Almeida, who visited

Ethiopia in the I620'S, gives the year I537 as the one in which the Galla

entered the south-eastern province of Bali, supposedly the first province

they captured.14 Almeida was largely dependent upon Bahrey's text for

his knowledge of the Galla, however, and thus Bahrey's

History

of the Galla

is our most valuable primary source on the early history of the Galla.15

Bahrey's home was in the region of Gamo, on the shores of Lake Abaya

(Margherita) in southern Ethiopia, which was one of the earliest areas to be

attacked by the Galla. He was an eyewitness of the expansion of the

Galla, and his remarkable curiosity about, and knowledge of, the con-

quests, customs, and political organization of the Galla demand that serious

consideration be given to his text.

According to Bahrey, 'The Galla came from the west and crossed the

river of their country, which is called Galana, to the frontier of Bali.... '

Since the word galana means 'river' in Galla one cannot be definite about

which river was meant, but two major rivers of southern Ethiopia, known

today as the Galana Sagan and Galana Dulei, seem to be good candidates.

Both are close to Gamo, to Lakes Abaya and Shamo, and are south-west of

Bali. Even if the Dawe or Ganale rivers were meant, however, the Galla

could still have moved from the west into Bali, and come from the same

general area.

12 Alvares (i88I); Budge (I928), II, 341 ff.

13 Bahrey (1928), ii, 603; (I954), iii.

14 On Beccari's map, after Almeida, reprinted in Coulbeaux, n.d.

15 Almeida borrowed heavily from Bahrey, and Ludolf derived much of his information

on the Galla from Tellez's version of Almeida's work. Bahrey is, therefore, the basis for

most of our knowledge of the Galla in the sixteenth century.

16 Bahrey (I954), III; Budge (I928), II, 603, translates this as '.. .[and came] to the

frontier of Bali. . .'.

32

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI 33

But Bahrey gives further clues to pin-point the original area of the Galla

and to place this area closer to the Sagan or Dulei than to the other rivers.

He tells us that some Galla groups 'came out of their country by way of

Kuera' and that they then attacked Gamo and Waj.17 Since Kuera, known

today as Koyra, is located just east of Lake Shamo and south of Gamo, this

argues that their origins, according to Bahrey, were south of Lake Shamo

and Koyra and in the Sagan-Dulei region.18

This region fits all of Bahrey's

statements. It is also the exact area which linguistic data point to as the

probable Galla homeland.

Bahrey indicates that there were two major Galla divisions and that each

took a different route. The Baraytuma (Barentu, Bareituma, etc.) went

west to Bali and then, by the 1580's or 1590's, into Dawaro, Adal, Fatajar,

Gafi, Angote--all on the eastern side of the Ethiopian empire and largely

Muslim-and even as far north and west as Amhara, Begemder, and

Dembea. The Borana went through Koyra, Gamo, Waj and Damot. With-

in fifty years the Galla were waging war against organized states and con-

quering land as far as 500 miles away from their original homeland. These

movements are well documented in the chronicles of the Ethiopian kings,

the accounts of the Portuguese Jesuits, and the traditions of the Muslim

state of Adal as well as by Bahrey.19

The historical record is far less ample regarding the presence of Galla in

southern Somalia, however. There is evidence that Darod Somali groups

drove Galla groups westward, out of southern Somalia, within the past two

centuries.20

These movements have generally been regarded as only the last

in a series of similar movements which began much earlier. The crucial

question is, however, when the Galla and Somali first arrived in

those regions.

We have seen that the Somali were evidently there from the twelfth or thir-

teenth centuries, but there is no documentation of the presence of the

Galla in southern Somalia before the seventeenth century. Father J. Lobo

encountered Galla at Malindi and at 'Jubo' along the coast some days

north of Pate, presumably near the Juba River, in i624.21 Father P.

Velasco, writing in the I620's, claims that 'Britamos'-evidently Baray-

tuma Galla-lived west of the Somali in the Shebeli-Juba region.22 And,

according to Kirkman, the archaeology of Gedi and the oral traditions of

the coastal Bantu argue that the Galla were attacking and moving into the

17 Bahrey (I954), 114.

18 Koyra is south-east of the present region of Gamo but directly south of the area

Chiomio (I938), xi, xviii, believes was once also called Gamo-the area directly east of

Lake Abaya. This eastern region is occupied largely by Galla today, whereas the Gamo

west of the lakes is not. For these reasons, and others to be discussed below, it seems

possible that Bahrey's Gamo was on the eastern side of Lake Abaya.

19 For example: Almeida, Tellez, Lobo, Ludolf, Budge, Basset and Cerulli.

There is a short summary with bibliography in Guebre Sellassie (I93I), I,

580-I.

20 I. M. Lewis (I960), 225-7; Cerulli (I957), I, 67-8.

21 Lobo (I886), 24.

22 Cerulli (I957), I, 65; I. M. Lewis (I960), 225.

3 AH VII

coastal areas as far south as Malindi at just about the beginning of the

seventeenth century.23

The sudden appearance of indications of the Galla in southern Somalia

and north-eastern Kenya at the very time that other Galla were invading

vast areas to the north strongly suggests that the Galla had just arrived in

these regions. There is no evidence that they were being driven out at this

time. It is more probable that their movement into this area was one aspect

of their greater expansion than that their general expansion was due to their

expulsion from southern Somalia.

There is no hint in Bahrey, or any other written document, that the

Galla might have lived in the Horn before the sixteenth century.24 Bahrey's

testimony that the Galla moved from west to east and his failure even to

mention the Somali or any people pressing upon the Galla renders most

unlikely the hypothesis that the Somali were pushing the Galla from the

east.

In the I500's and I6oo's the Galla were an expanding people, moving

north, north-east, east, and south-east, and it was undoubtedly at this

period that contact between the easternmost Galla and the westernmost

Somali began. The contacts have continued over the centuries across a

wide front, from Ifat and Adal in the north, through the Ogaden in the

centre, and as far as the Juba and Tana rivers in the south. There is no

written evidence for any earlier conflicts between these peoples.

GALLA TRADITIONS OF ORIGIN

The oral traditions of the Galla relevant to the problem of their origins are

in remarkable agreement with each other and with the written evidence.

Because of the consistency of different accounts, their agreement with

Bahrey and with the linguistic evidence, their unembellished nature, and

the relatively short period of time involved, these traditions are worthy

of careful consideration.

The Galla do not claim to have lived in the Horn of Africa, nor do they

speak of any homeland other than south-central Ethiopia.25 Although

23 Kirkman (I954), 74-6. See also Cerulli (I957), I, 255; Elliot (1926), I52.

24 Almeida (1954), I34, stated that '(The) lands lying between Bali and the sea, the

coast of which the sailors call "the desert", is the real home of the Gallas.' This has been

taken by Cerulli (1938), 30, as confirmation of the origins of the Galla in the Somalilands.

However, on Almeida's map (1954) he shows the 'fatherland and birthplace of the Galla'

to the south-west of Bali, exactly where Bahrey's account placed it. Almeida's knowledge

of the geography of the Horn is at fault because, as the map indicates, he thought Bali was

farther to the east and that the coast ran more sharply from east-north-east to west-south-

west and thus that an area south-west of Bali could be between it and the sea. He did not

mean that they came from the Horn.

25 Huntingford has written that the traditions of the Galla derive them from Arabia

(1955, 19; Beckingham and Huntingford, I954, lxxi, III). This seems to be based on

the tradition heard in Shoa by Cecchi (i886), I, 473, and Soleillet (i886), 252-3, which

claims descent from Abraham, Isaac, Esau, Eliphaz, and Omar. Such a random tradition,

from a Christian area, cannot be taken seriously.

34 HERBERT S. LEWIS

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

there are minor differences of detail, virtually all of the recorded traditions

of the Galla indicate an origin in or near the Borana region.26 Some Galla

claim to have come from Borana itself.27 Other Galla say that they came

from the area of Mt. Wolabo, which is located about thirty miles east of

Lake Abaya, just north of Borana. Cerulli heard this tradition from both

the Gombicu Galla of Shoa and the Arusi Galla of the upper Shebeli basin,

while Cecchi, Ratzel, and Budge report the same tradition but give no

provenance for it.28

The third place of origin recorded in Galla traditions is Bahrgamo.29

Bahrgamo can be identified as Lake Abaya and the region around it-

Gamo. Bahrgamo literally means 'Gamo lake' in Amharic.30 Almeida and

subsequent writers and map-makers clearly indicate a 'Bargamo' as the

southernmost province of Ethiopia before the incursions of the Galla.

Almeida's map shows this province south of Lake Zwai and Waj, west of

Bali, just east of a province called 'Sugamo', and immediately north-west

of the area he calls the 'fatherland and birthplace of the Galla

'.31 This map,

therefore, clearly places Bargamo in the Lake Abaya area. It also indicates

two Gamos, with Bargamo as the eastern one, and strengthens the possi-

bility that Bahrey's Gamo was on the eastern side of Lake Abaya.32

Further-

more, Mt. Wolabo is located within this region. We are at least justified in

associating Bahrey's Gamo, Almeida's Bargamo, and the Bahrgamo of

Galla traditions with the area

immediately around Lake Abaya. Thus Galla

traditions of origin point to the same homeland as do Bahrey and Almeida:

north-western Borana and environs.

SOMALI ORAL TRADITIONS

The oral traditions of the Somali have been collected and analysed more

fully than those of the Galla and they have served as the primary support

for the traditional hypothesis. This support is more apparent than real,

however. The traditions are both highly suspect and frequently irrelevant

to the problem of origins.

I. M. Lewis has amply demonstrated that Somali traditions dealing with

their early history and relations to Islam and Arabia serve as mythical

charters for modern religious and political life.33 The Muslim Somali place

high value on descent from Muhammad and his family, or at least from

26 Cf. Haberland (I963), 5.

27 Abebe Ambatchew et al. (I957), 9, Montandon (1913), 67. The present author

encountered this tradition among the Galla of Jimma Abba Jifar.

28 Cerulli (I933), II, 69; (I957), II, I27. Also Haberland (I963), v, 527; Cecchi (I886),

II, 473; Ratzel (1904), II, 495; Budge (I928), II, 616.

29 For example, Beke (1848), II6; Budge (I928), II, 616; Haberland (I963), 4; Harris

(2844), III, 45.

30 Chiomio (1938), xi, xviii; Guebre Sellassie (I93I), II, 579.

31 Almeida (I954), 9-II, map. See also the maps in Coulbeaux (n.d.) II.

32 Chiomio (I938), xvii-xviii notes that King Yeshaq's victory song also mentions two

Gamos. 33 I. M. Lewis (I962), 45-7.

3-2

35

HERBERT S. LEWIS

Arabs. Many Somali clan-families and clans, therefore, claim descent from

immigrant Arab sheikhs or saints who married

indigenous Somali women.34

These tales are, according to Ferrand, 'generally non-concordant, some-

times contradictory'.35 Hagiologies are

readily invented for these ancestors,

and graves and shrines may be attributed to them as current sociopolitical

conditions necessitate.36

There can be no doubt that these tales contain little reliable historical

material; but, even if we accept I. M. Lewis's contention that they

mirror actual settlement of Arabs among Somali, this would leave un-

answered the question of where the indigenous Somali had come from.

The traditions of the Dir, Isaq, and Darod, which are treated in the most

detail in the literature, are silent on this point. Furthermore, even after the

supposed immigration of these sheikhs, the Dir and Isaq movements have

been-with a few exceptions-minimal. There is therefore no indication

that they did not previously come from the south and no evidence of any

subsequent south or south-west movement.

In the south, Cerulli has collected and analysed the traditions of various

Hawiye and Rahanwin groups.37 Most of this material relates only to

relatively minor local movements within southern Somalia. These affirm

that Tunni, Hawiye, Ajuran and Jiddu Somali have been in the south for

many centuries, as the written evidence indicated. As for their contention

that they came from the north-over nine centuries ago-this can be seen

as a necessary accompaniment to their myths of descent from Arabian

immigrants. People who know enough and care enough to fabricate genea-

logies tracing their ancestry back to Muhammad's uncle are not likely to

claim to have come from southern Ethiopia.

Most of the Somali clan families-Dir, Isaq, Hawiye, Rahanwin-

inhabit relatively restricted areas, and there is no evidence that they have

made any recent major movements. The Darod clan-family, on the other

hand, has such a wide distribution that a recent expansion is indicated.

This Darod movement must be seen as a recent and secondary dispersal,

not an indication of the general trend of Somali migration.

The Somali oral traditions about their origins are suspect, because of

the great time depth involved-at least I,ooo years-and because of the

overriding importance of the claim of Arabian descent. But even taken at

face value they do not provide much foundation for the hypothesis of

a northern origin.

SOMALI REFERENCES TO THE GALLA

It is often claimed that the Somali are in agreement that the Galla pre-

ceded them in the Horn. Close inspection of these traditions indicates

34 I. M. Lewis (1955), 14-40 passim; (I955-56); Cerulli (1957), I, 60-2; II, 252-3.

35 Ferrand (I903), 66.

36 I. M. Lewis (1956), 153; (I960), 221; (I96Ic), 7I; (I962), 44-7.

37 Cerulli (I957), I, 57-69.

36

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

a more ambiguous picture, however. Almost all of these traditions have

been collected from western Somali groups-in north-west Somalia, the

Ogaden, and the Shebeli and Juba valleys-who today live not far from

Galla.38 In these areas Somali have been in continual contact with Galla

for about 400 years, competing for water, grazing, and agricultural land.

They will certainly have difficulty remembering whether a skirmish or

a shift in territory took place 500 or merely 350 years ago. Pirone, in his

article on the traditions of the Ogaden Somali, warns us that, 'It is difficult

to establish who the first inhabitants of the Ogaden... were, and to which

epoch to refer the first human settlement of the territory. The traditions-

the only source at our disposal-, vague and confused, modified as they

are by continued addition of new elements referable to a more recent

period, don't give the anticipated indications on this problem.'39 In

addition, there is a tendency for Dir Somali to be confused with the

Galla in the Ogaden Somali traditions.40 The situation is unlikely to be

different in the north-west,41 and in the south, most of the traditions of

Galla-Somali conflict are supposed to refer to the seventeenth century and

after.42

In an attempt to demonstrate the presence of Galla farther east in the

Horn, Cerulli has argued that a place name in Mijurtein and the names of

two famous northern Somali raids refer to Galla.43 However, the root

gal (pl. galo) in these names (Galo-od; Gal-eri; Galka'ayo) does not mean

the people known to the Somali as Galla or Gallawi (pl.) but means 'pagan,

infidel, or non-Muslim in general. In contemporary Somali these are

separate and distinct terms.'44

The assumption that these must once have

been one term has no other justification than the hypothesis it is meant to

prove.

The same linguistic confusion lies behind the claim that the Somali

attribute various stone graves in their country to the 'Galla'. According to

I. M. Lewis, the Somali actually say that galo made them, or-much the

same thing-dadki hore, 'people who were before'.45 This is one of the

commonest ways for people to explain away an unknown object. When

I. M. Lewis excavated three of these graves he discovered that they were

not more than 250 years old (on the basis of a radio-carbon date). For this

and other reasons Lewis concludes that these graves 'are comparatively

recent and contain Somali remains'.46 This should be a warning against

lightly accepting Somali traditions which purport to deal with events of

500 or more years ago.

38 Pirone (1954), II9; Cerulli (I957), I, 57-9; I. M. Lewis (I959a).

39 Pirone (1954), 119. 40 Pirone, loc. cit.

41 Shihab ad-Din, who knew the north-west in the first half of the sixteenth century,

does not mention the Galla in his long chronicle (Schleicher, I892, p. xii). The chronicle

of the history of Adal-largely a compilation of oral traditions-likewise fails to mention the

Galla until they attack the Harar area in the reign of Emir Nur, about 1565 (Cerulli, 193I).

42 Cerulli (1957), I, 57-8. 43 Cerulli (1957), I, 72-3, o1I-2, 163.

44 I. M. Lewis (1958), 28o-I; (I959a), 22.

45 I. M. Lewis (I961 a), I03. 46 I. M. Lewis (196I a).

37

HERBERT S. LEWIS

The foregoing discussion has indicated the following preliminary con-

clusions: (i) The extant historical documents and oral traditions relevant

to the origins of the Galla indicate that they began their expansion about

1540 from south-central Ethiopia, probably south of Lake Abaya. (2) There

is no evidence to suggest that the Galla previously occupied the Somali-

lands. (3) Genuine historical documents offer virtually no evidence re-

garding the origins of the Somali, and the oral traditions of the Somali are

questionable and often irrelevant. In the following section I hope to demon-

strate that linguistic evidence offers overwhelming confirmation of our

Galla hypothesis and compelling evidence for the new hypothesis as to the

origins of the Somali.

Historical linguistics has put a powerful tool at the disposal of the culture

historian, but until recently workers in Northeast Africa have failed to take

advantage of it. Through the use of the principles of historical linguistics,

and especially of migration and dispersal area

theory, as

developed and used

by Sapir, Greenberg, Kroeber, Dyen, and Diebold, it is possible to derive,

from synchronic linguistic data, hypotheses as to genetic relations among

languages, centres of origin and dispersal, and directions of population

movements, which can be agreed upon and replicated by independent

workers.47

Through comparative linguistics it is possible to classify geneti-

cally related languages into distinct groups, each of which represents a

previously unified speech community which, in the course of time, diverged

into a number of different languages. When the component languages of

genetic groups are geographically dispersed, 'since related languages are

divergent forms of one language, it follows that all of the forms can be

traced to movement from a single continuous area'.48 In order for related

languages to have become dispersed beyond that area of origin, population

movements-expansion, migration, or the intrusion of unrelated languages

-must have occurred. A knowledge of the modern distribution of related

languages is sufficient to produce highly probable hypotheses as to such

origins and movements. Only recently have these principles been applied

to historical problems in Northeast Africa, but the result has already been

a new series of hypotheses which offer economical explanations for popu-

lation movements. Using historical linguistics, Murdock, H. S. Lewis,

Greenberg, and Fleming have all come to generally similar and mutually

reinforcing conclusions: the homeland of the Eastern-Cushitic-speaking

peoples must have been in southern Ethiopia-northern Kenya.49

The recognition that Somali, Galla, Afar and Saho are related languages

within the larger category of Cushitic is about Ioo years old and has never

been seriously disputed. On the other hand, the subgrouping of Cushitic

(and more particularly of Eastern Cushitic) had to await the accumulation

47 Sapir (I916), 75-83; Greenberg (1955), 40; Kroeber (I955); Dyen (I956); Diebold

(I960). Also Voegelin (1958).

48 Dyen (I956), 614.

49 Murdock (I959), 319-20, 323-4; H.S. Lewis (I962); Greenberg (I963), 43;

Fleming (1964).

38

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI 39

of fuller evidence regarding the languages of southern Ethiopia and

northern Kenya. In I940 M. M. Moreno suggested a genetic classification

of Cushitic and its several subgroups which, though modified as a result of

the addition of new data on almost fifty languages, has remained basically

unchanged in spite of independent replications by Greenberg and Fleming.50

The genetic classification and subgrouping of the Eastern Cushitic

languages indicate that we are dealing with at least twenty-four languages

which can be subdivided into four co-ordinate branches: (i) Somali,

Rendille, Baiso; (2) Galla, Konso, Gidole, Gato, Arbore, Magogodo,

Warazi, Gawata, Tsamai, Geleb; (3) Afar Saho; (4) Sidamo, Kambata,

T'ambaro, Hadya, Alaba, K'abena, Marak'o, Darasa, Burji.51

It will be seen from this genetic classification that neither Somali nor

Galla holds any special linguistic position within Eastern Cushitic, within

Cushitic as a whole, or with respect to the other, in spite of their historical,

cultural, and geopolitical importance. The immediate and overwhelming

implication of these linguistic facts is that the origins of the Galla and

Somali cannot be considered without regard to those of the other twenty-

odd languages with which, at some time in the past, they were one. Any

reconstructions of their origins and movements must be consistent with

those of the others (and, at still higher levels, with those of the Cushitic and

Afro-Asiatic languages as a whole).

Having classified the subgroupings of Eastern Cushitic, it is now our task

to determine where their ancestors must have lived at that time in the past

when they represented just one speech community in one continuous area.

Such a determination can be made for each subgroup or for all of Eastern

Cushitic. One must be consistent with the other, but each will tell us about

a different period and will be of value for somewhat different problems.

The cardinal principle involved in making this determination has been

expressed by Dyen as follows: 'The probabilities of different

reconstructed

migrations

are in an inverse relation to the number

of reconstructed

language

movements that each requires.'52

The principle of economy of explanation

requires that we postulate a centre of dispersal which requires the fewest

population movements to account for the current distribution of these

languages.53

In the case at hand the answer appears obvious. Since today twenty-one

of the twenty-four languages of the Eastern Cushitic group are spoken in

southern Ethiopia-northern Kenya (from 7? N., 40? E. to o?, 37? E.), if the

Galla and Somali and their relatives had originated in northern Somalia,

we would have to account for twenty-one population movements. If, on

the other hand, we assume that the original homeland was in the area of

50 Moreno (1940), 315-2I; Greenberg (1963), 43; Fleming (1964), 82-3.

51 This classification and subgrouping follows that of Greenberg (1963, p. 43) almost

completely. Fleming (I964), 82-3, is in close agreement with Greenberg.

52 Dyen (1956), 6I3. Emphasis Dyen's.

53 The reader is referred to Sapir, Dyen, Kroeber and Diebold for fuller discussion of

the postulates and methods involved.

HERBERT S. LEWIS

*ADDIS

ABABA

0 50 Miles

I I,

?::?

?,I?z.

I L.Zwar:

?"

r;-

?5;?:?

H,ADYA- ,

HADYA

"

RO

ALABT

SI

DAMO

BUP?\

L.

Rudolf

Fig. 4. Eastern Cushitic languages of southern Ethiopia.

40

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

southern Ethiopia-northern Kenya, we need postulate only three move-

ments to the north-east-those of the Afar, Saho, and Somali, thus

greatly increasing the probability of our hypothesis.

If we consider each subgroup separately, we find the evidence for the new

hypothesis just as persuasive. Two of the branches, the Sidamo and the

Galla, have all their languages represented in this southern area. Somali is

the only one of three languages in its group to be found outside of this area.

And Afar and Saho are so closely related that we are

justified in assuming

that they represent just one independent movement, with the split into two

languages occurring after they were resident in the north-east. Nineteen of

the component languages of Eastern Cushitic are found relatively close

together in the area

between Lake Zwai on the north and Lake Stefanie and

Rudolf on the south. It is only the Mogogodo and Rendille, who evidently

moved south, and the Somali, Afar and Saho, who moved east and north,

who have left that area.54

Fleming has discussed the origins of the Somali-Rendille-Baiso group

at some length, and, since I am basically in agreement with him, I shall only

cite his conclusion that: 'In general. .. the watershed of the Juba River, as

far south as the present Somalia border, is the homeland of proto-Macro-

Somali. 55 At the moment we have no written evidence nor oral traditions

to support this view, but neither, I submit, have we any evidence seriously

to question it. I believe it must stand as the only reasonable hypothesis and

that it is consonant with the rest of our knowledge of the western Cushitic

peoples.

For the origins of the Galla we fortunately have oral

traditions and written

history which confirm the obvious conclusion to be drawn from linguistic

distributions. The Galla originated in the area between and around Lakes

Shamo and Stephanie, in the area of the Galana Sagan and Galana Dulei,

just south of Bahrgamo and Mt. Wolabo, in north-west Borana. It is here

that the closest linguistic relatives of the Galla-Konso, Gato, Gidole,

Arbore, Gawata, Warazi, Tsamai, Geleb-are found. The Galla language

was once one with these, and Galla speakers even today live in this area.

This is striking confirmation of Bahrey, of Almeida's map, and of the oral

traditions of the Galla themselves. Conversely, the other sources confirm

the value of the linguistic methods.

Finally, comparative linguistic data also indicate that the Afar and Saho

54 According to Sapir (I9I6), 76-8, geographical areas which are centres of linguistic

differentiation, with high degrees of diversity among the members of single language

groups, tend to be areas of older occupation than those with relatively little differentiation.

The probabilities are against numerous migrations of related speech communities into the

same region, because migration leads to the dispersal of closely related languages rather

than their concentration. Time is required for the differentiation of related languages.

Where clusters of related languages are found in one region, therefore, we assume some

time depth for their settlement there. Dyen concludes that 'determinable positive migra-

tions are from complex areas to uniform areas' (1956), 625. Our findings in this case

are consistent with Sapir's and Dyen's postulates.

55 Fleming (I964), 87.

4I

HERBERT S. LEWIS

must have moved out of the south-west first, followed by the Somali, with

the Galla expanding still more recently. Afar and Saho have evidently been

in their area long enough to have diverged into two closely related but

distinctly different languages. Among the Somali, however, the process of

differentiation has not had time to go so far, for today Somali speak

several distinct dialects which, though perhaps approaching the status of

distinct languages, can still be considered as dialects of one language.56

The

Galla, it is clear, cannot have begun separating very long ago, since their

'language is so essentially constant that the women and children of the

Gurri tribe, who inhabit the El Wak oasis and the surrounding districts...

talk the same dialect as those of the Walega'.57

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

The preponderant trend of Eastern Cushitic migration and expansion has

been from the south and west to the north and east rather

than the reverse.

The Afar and Saho were evidently the first to move north-east, while the

Somali moved into the Horn some time later. It was not until the sixteenth

century, however, that the Galla

began their great expansion in all directions

but west. The original homeland of the Galla may be placed in or around

north-western Borana; that of the Somali in the south-eastern highlands

of Ethiopia.

For four centuries the Galla and Somali have competed with each other

over a long front from Harar

in the north to the lower Juba and Tana rivers

in the south, and during this time there must have been numerous shifts

of fortune and transfers of territory. A Galla group found within Somali

country, no longer in continuous distribution with other Galla, may be

considered a remnant group relative to the most recent Somali movements,

but was undoubtedly once in the vanguard of Galla movement into Somali

territory. In their nomadic rounds, which may cover hundreds of miles in

a single year, pastoral Somali and Galla groups must have penetrated each

other's territories many times since I550.

The Galla, Somali, Afar and Saho once belonged to a single speech

community located in southern Ethiopia and presumably shared more

common cultural elements than they do now, many centuries after their

separation. In view of this it would be better to view these groups as having

diverged from a generally similar parent culture rather

than, as in the past,

a

prioriascribing shared traits to more recent borrowing. Thus, for example,

the age-grade organization among the Afar and some Somali may represent

an inheritance from their earlier residence in southern Ethiopia. More

generally, the northern Somali bias towards pastoralism and their distinc-

tive lineage system might be viewed as an adaptation

to the extreme poverty

of their environment, while the Rahanwin and Digil Somali, who practise

56 Tucker and Bryan (1956), 122-6; Fleming (1964), 79-83.

57 Foot (19I3), vi; Fleming (I964), 85.

42

ORIGINS OF THE GALLA AND SOMALI

mixed agriculture and do not stress lineage relations for political purposes,

may be closer to the original Somali pattern. Lineage does not serve as the

basis for sociopolitical life among most of the Eastern Cushitic peoples of

southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya. It may be the northern Somali,

therefore, who are divergent and require a special explanation, rather than

the Rahanwin and Digil.58

Finally, the new reconstructions presented here have implications for the

methodology of African culture history in general. Reconstruction of the

origins of ethnic groups should be in agreement with the comparative

linguistic evidence. In I916 Sapir wrote, 'If, as may sometimes happen,

the linguistic evidence seems to run counter to other evidence or to a pre-

vailing theory, it should not be lightly discarded as irrelevant to historical

problems. While it may be forced to yield in the face of powerful testimony

pointing to contrary

conclusions, its claims always deserve serious consider-

ation.'59

This case, I believe, amply bears out Sapir's position, for the new

hypothesis was formed initially on the basis of the linguistic data alone,

although it contradicted most of the literature on the subject. I hope it has

been demonstrated that there are not, in fact, data to support the older

hypothesis, and that the application of migration and dispersal area theory

to the problem has yielded a

highly probable hypothesis capable

of overturn-

ing the existing reconstruction and strong enough to serve as the basis

for a new one.

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... This has also been the base of Somalia's relationship with the rest of Africans particularly Ethiopia whom According to (Lewis I. M., 1960) share Hamitic blood ties. According to (Lewis H. S., 1966)the Galla and the Somali originated in southern Ethiopia, and the Somali later expanded to the east and north. Realistically, given the ethnic Determinant of Somalia's National interest, much of these Scholars were pushing for a good relationship between Somalia and its Western Neighbor: ...

... Among these is the Afar found in Ethiopia and Djibouti, the Saho, Galla and the Somali in Ogaden the desert. According to (Lewis H. S., 1966) and (Lewis I. M., 1960), these ethnic groups are of African origin and Share Common Origins and belong to the same Cushitic family languages with the Somalis in Somalia. These scholars were mainly linking Ethiopia and Somalia as the researcher pointed out in the previous part of this ...

• Mohamed Ali Shire

Geography is a major determinant of both power and foreign policy formulation. Despite this importance, scholarly work about the subject in relation to Ethiopia-Somalia foreign policies has been lacking. The Major Objective of this study was to find out how the geographic features of Somalia and Ethiopia have determined their foreign policies. To achieve this objective, the study used qualitative methods, and data collected was analyzed through content analysis. The study found out that topology and geographical location have shaped the foreign policies of both countries. High agricultural production and lack of access to the sea have shaped Ethiopia's foreign policy towards Somalia while the aridness and low agricultural production have shaped Somalia's interests in Ethiopia. Furthermore, the study found out that Ethiopia has employed a number of instruments to achieve its foreign policy goal while Somalia largely as a result of its internal political turmoil has limited itself to the use of soft diplomacy. The study basing on the liberal theory gives several recommendations for peaceful co-existence such as Trade, regional integration, and internal democratization

... The Amhara (Semiticspeaking) are Arabic in origin, while Oromo (Cushitic-speaking) are known as Ethiopian Somalians (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1995). Archeological studies showed that Amhara have been settled at >2500 m elevation since 5000 years ago (Lewis 1966;Pleurdeau 2005), while their inhabitation at 2300-2400 m could be dated to as early as 70,000 years BP (Aldenderfer 2003). The Oromo, however, have adapted living at altitude >2500 m recently, i.e. 500 years ago (Hassen 1990). ...

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• Nipa Basak
• Kumarasamy Thangaraj

After the completion of the Human Genome Project in 2003, the field of genetics has witnessed massive progress that spanned research in high-altitude biology also. Especially the decade of 2010s witnessed the most of it and revealed various genetic signatures of high-altitude adaptation in Tibetans, Andeans and Ethiopians. High-altitude area, with its extreme environment, harbors a tremendous potential for gene-environment interaction, an aspect that could be explored by epigenetic studies. There are only four original articles till now which explore the epigenetic aspect of high-altitude adaptation or acclimatization. However, there is no comprehensive review to provide complete information on the genetic and epigenetic aspects of high-altitude adaptations. Hence, we have prepared this mini-review to summarize the genetic and epigenetic studies that have correlated the high-altitude adaptation or acclimatization, until recently.

• Mustafa Şahin

Within its foreign policy after 2000, Turkey begun to utilise the manoeuvre area which wanted all along. The process of promoting relations with Africa,starting with Africa Action Plan in 1998, has deepened through the announcement of 'Year of Africa' in 2005 and these relations has reached a serious level since 2008. Accordingly, Somalia, failing to establish its state authority after 1991, became one of the manoeuvre areas of Turkish foreign policy in 2011. The relations between Turkey and Somalia beginning with the focus of humanitarian diplomacy has reached such a level that soft power instruments are applied through public diplomacy and countries got involved in the process of state building. In this thesis, impact of the activities done by Turkey in Somalia since 2011 on the state building process and the soft power of Turkey is examined. In order to ascertain the impact of the activities of Turkey, history of Somalia is examined in a large scale and policies of the agents in Somalia are enquired. Activities of Turkey are conceptualised as Turkey's Assistance Model and it is seen Turkey is the most prospering agent in Somalia by humanitarian means. However, activities of Turkey have not reached a level to achieve the willed changes in the state building process yet. Also, the positive image of Turkey before Somalians is submitting Turkey a manoeuvre area that any other agent hasn't got to peacebuilding and establishing a sovereign state authority. It has been determined mentioned activities should be maintained by deepening. Türkiye, 2000 sonrası dış politikasında, başından beri istediği değişimleri meydana getirebilecek hareket sahasını kazanmış ve kullanmaya başlamıştır. 1998 Afrika Eylem Planı'yla başlayan Afrika'yla ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi süreci Türk dış politikasında yaşanan değişimlerin bir uzantısı olarak 2005'in Afrika Yılı ilan edilmesiyle derinleştirilmiş ve 2008 yılından itibaren Afrika'yla ilişkiler ciddi bir seviyeye ulaşmıştır. 2011 yılında bahsedilen doğrultuda, 1991'den sonra devlet otoritesinin tesis edilemediği ve 21. Yüzyılın ilk kıtlığını yaşayan Somali, Türk dış politikasının hareket sahalarından biri haline getirilmiştir. İnsani diplomasi odağında başlayan Türkiye-Somali ilişkileri, yumuşak güç araçlarının kamu diplomasisi yoluyla tatbik edildiği ve devlet inşa sürecine dâhil olunan bir boyuta ulaşmıştır. Bu tezde, Türkiye'nin 2011'den günümüze kadar Somali'de yürüttüğü faaliyetlerin Somali devlet inşa sürecine etkisi araştırılmış ve Türkiye'nin yumuşak gücü Somali özelinde incelenmiştir. Türkiye'nin faaliyetlerinin etkisinin ortaya çıkartılması adına Somali tarihi geniş bir kapsamda incelenerek Somali'de etkin olan aktörlerin Somali politikaları araştırılmıştır. Türkiye'nin Somali'de yürüttüğü faaliyetler, Türkiye Yardım Modeli olarak kavramsallaştırılarak Türkiye'nin insani açıdan Somali'deki en başarılı aktör olduğu görülmüştür. Bununla birlikte Türkiye'nin faaliyetlerinin Somali devlet inşa sürecinde istenilen değişimleri elde edecek bir seviyeye henüz ulaşamadığı anlaşılmıştır. Aynı zamanda Türkiye'nin Somali'de barışa ulaşılması ve devlet otoritesinin egemen kılınması adına Somalililer nezdinde sahip olduğu olumlu görüntüsünün kendisine Somali'de başka bir aktörün sahip olmadığı bir hareket sahası sunduğu görülmüş ve yapılması iktiza edenin faaliyetlerin derinleştirilerek sürdürülmesi olduğu bulgusuna ulaşılmıştır.

• I. M. LEWIS

Da tempo è stato provato che una volta i Galla occuparono zone del territorio ora somalo. Il presente articolo mostra che, prima dei Somali, essi stanziavano in alcuni punti di quello che oggi è il Protettorato britannico e ne ricostruisce l'allontanamento sotto la spinta dell'espansione dei gruppi somali nella Somalia settentrionale. Depuis longtemps il est prouvé que les Galla occupaient des parties du pays somali avant les Somali. Le présent article montre qu'avant les Somali ils étaient établis dans certains endroits de l'actuel Protectorat britannique et suit leur déplacement dans la Somalie septentrionale sous la pression des groupes Somali avançant. There has long been evidence that the Galla occupied paits of Somaliland before the Somali. This paper shows that before the Somali they were stationed in parts of what is today the British Protectorate and traces their withdrawal under pressure from the expanding Somali communities in Northern Somaliland.

• I. M. LEWIS

Notizie sull'ordinamento gentilizio dei Somali ‛Īse, non sufficientemente conosciuto finora, e su tratti sociali peculiari che distinguono gli ‛Īse da altri contemporanei gruppi tribali somali del nord. Notes sur l'organisation généalogique des Somali ‛Īse, sur laquelle on n'était pas renseigné suffisamment jusqu'ici. On donne aussi des renseignements sur des caractères culturels spécifiques, qui distinguent les 'Īse d'autres unités tribales Somali contemporaines du nord. This article examines the genealogical organisation of the 'Īse Somali which has not previously been fully described, and notes some cultural features which distinguish the 'Īse from other contemporary northern Somali clans.

• I. M. Lewis

Opening Paragraph In this article I analyse Somali political institutions in terms of clanship ( tol ) and contract ( heer ). By the latter term I mean the explicit contracts, or treaties of government, which are the foundation of all formal political units among the northern pastoral Somali. In conclusion, I examine the significance of Somali political structure in the light of Maine's celebrated dictum that the 'movement of the progressive societies has hitherto been a movement from Status to Contract'.

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Source: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/231877480_The_Origins_of_the_Galla_and_somali